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June 18, 2025

What the Russia-Ukraine Conflict Tells Us about Educational Resilience

Jason Jabbari
©2025 Jason Jabbari

ABSTRACT: While education can operate as a source of vulnerability or resiliency across multiple domains before, during, and after armed conflicts, it is often examined narrowly in the context of a single domain, limiting the use and effectiveness of civil-affairs operations. This article outlines a novel conceptual framework of the primary mechanisms across seven unique domains by which education can serve as a key area of resiliency or vulnerability in armed conflicts. Through a case study of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, it illustrates how vulnerabilities can manifest in the seven domains and what can be done to build resiliency. Finally, a discussion of the costs, benefits, and potential role of military civil affairs in a post-conflict scenario will assist US policymakers and military professionals in identifying the opportunities, costs, and benefits of these operations.

Keywords: education, armed conflict, human rights, civil affairs, vulnerabilities and resiliencies

 

In 2022, an estimated one in six children lived in a conflict zone. Armed conflicts increasingly last longer, have broader impact zones, and involve more children serving as combatants. Additionally, armed conflicts increasingly target educational systems. Schools are often used as military bases and recruitment sites for children, and students may even be attacked while commuting to school. As summarized by Ayesha Kadir et al., armed conflicts decrease school enrollment, worsen learning conditions, lower educational attainment, and increase psychological distress. Therefore, educational systems can operate as a key vulnerability—or source of resiliency—before, during, and after armed conflicts. The way educational systems operate in armed conflicts, however, is often narrowly understood, limiting the use and effectiveness of civil-affairs operations. The lack of conceptual foregrounding and case studies that detail the role of education in armed conflicts may contribute to gaps in understanding.1

This article fills these gaps in understanding through a three-pronged approach. First, it provides a novel conceptual framework that examines the primary mechanisms by which education can serve as a key area of resiliency or vulnerability across seven unique domains. Second, it uses the case study of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine to illustrate how vulnerabilities can manifest in the seven domains, as well as what can be done to build resiliency during armed conflicts. Finally, it discusses the potential role of military civil affairs in conflict scenarios.

Education and Armed Conflicts, Broadly Understood

Education has long been linked to increased earnings and economic growth, as education builds human capital. Yet, individuals and countries remain vulnerable to extreme ideologies and subsequent conflicts regardless of their levels of education. Recent evidence suggests suicide bombers in the Middle East had relatively high levels of education and were equally likely to come from either economically advantaged or disadvantaged families. One century earlier, elite educational institutions and intellectuals played a significant role in developing and perpetuating Nazi ideology.2

Unsurprisingly, economic growth resulting from increased human capital does not always lead to democracy and cooperation. For example, China’s increase in gross domestic product since entering the World Trade Organization in 2001 has coincided with increased authoritarianism within the country and antagonism outside the country. Scholars have suggested the link between education, economic prosperity, and liberal democracy may be weaker than we think. Rather, inclusive economic, social, and political institutions are necessary for widespread prosperity. Building and maintaining inclusive institutions requires certain technical skills, as well as certain values and dispositions.3

Education, then, must do more than build human capital, especially in fragile states, such as those experiencing armed conflicts. Public discourse reflects this sentiment. As noted by Fernando Reimers, the UN Sustainable Development Goals for education—“ensuring inclusive and equitable quality education and promoting lifelong learning opportunities for all”—are more wide reaching than their predecessors, the Millennium Development Goals, which focused on universal primary education and reducing gender disparities in secondary education. Although the Millennium Development Goals are necessary for peace and security, history tells us the goals are not sufficient—especially in the advent of new, pressing challenges, such as the global decline of democracy, the resurgence of great-power conflicts, and the disruptive capacity of artificial intelligence.4

Educational Domains, Mechanisms, and Human Rights

Gaining a broader view of education involves examining the multiple domains in which education can serve as a key vulnerability or source of resiliency. In this section, a conceptual framework examines the primary mechanisms by which education can serve as a key vulnerability or source of resiliency across multiple domains, while demonstrating the domains’ fundamental connection to human rights, as seen in table 1 and in figures 1 and 2.

Educational domains and mechanisms
Figure 1. Educational domains and mechanisms
(Source: Created by author)

Intellectual Domain: Teaching Basic Skills

Literacy and numeracy serve as cornerstones of learning, without which students face extreme difficulties in gaining knowledge and communication skills. Article 28 of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child declares primary education—the stage at which literacy and numeracy are learned—to be a basic human right and encourages regular attendance. Whereas basic skills can eventually lead to advanced skills, which can ultimately lead to success in the labor market, basic skills can also be considered an end in themselves, as they allow students to understand the world around them and contemplate their place within it. Basic skills empower students to gain the knowledge necessary to participate fully in a free and open society.5

Economic Domain: Developing Human Capital

In an argument stemming from a human-capital framework, education can provide workers with skills that can increase their productivity in the labor market, which can ultimately improve employers’ profits and workers’ compensation. Beyond workers and their employers, education can spur innovation and increase economic growth in a given country. Importantly, though the UN has deemed primary education a universal right, the UN also encourages access to secondary and postsecondary education—particularly technical and professional education. In addition to the quantity of education (that is, the number of years of schooling), the quality of education also matters for increased productivity and economic growth.6

Political Domain: Instilling Ideals

Schools are places of political socialization—in terms of political actions and ideals. For example, schools can provide students with the knowledge, skills, and desire to become active participants in their country’s particular form of government, while also exposing students to practices, curriculums, and cultures that prioritize certain ideals. Practices, like pledges of allegiance, can highlight ideals, whereas curriculums, like social studies, can demonstrate the importance of historical events that moved a country toward certain ideals. Although ideals can be taught in schools, freedom of expression—deemed a universal right by the UN—allows for those ideals to be adhered to, negotiated, or rejected.

Moral Domain: Developing Moral Actors

Schools are also places where the moral development of children occurs. Schools can help students explore and adopt ethical principles and values, such as dignity and justice, through character education. Character education consists of moral knowing, feeling, and action. Although the UN does not explicitly deem character education a human right, worth noting is the fact children have a right to an education that is “directed to the full development of the human personality,” which encompasses a moral element of education.7

Social and Emotional Domains: Developing Social and Emotional Skills

Schools are places where socialization occurs as well. In an argument stemming from a sociological framework, schools help prepare students for membership in society, which requires following norms and cooperating with others. Socialization can occur through curricular structures and extracurricular activities. For example, achievement aspirations and respect for meritocracy can be produced through curricular structures, and group norms and cooperation can be produced through extracurricular activities. Specific curriculums can also be developed to promote social and emotional skills. Like character education, the UN does not explicitly deem social and emotional learning a human right, but the UN states education should “promote understanding, tolerance and friendship,” which can be seen as encompassing a social and emotional element of learning.8

Psychological Domains: Promoting Mental and Behavioral Health

Additionally, schools are important places in which to promote mental and behavioral health. Research has consistently demonstrated educational attendance and attainment are positively related to a range of mental health outcomes, such as decreased depression and anxiety, as well as behavioral health outcomes, such as decreased drug use and arrests. Most children who receive mental and behavioral health services do so through schools, suggesting schools play a significant role in ensuring the health and well-being of students, which is a human right.9

Physical Domain: Promoting Physical Health

Finally, schools are important places in which physical health can be promoted. Research has consistently demonstrated educational attainment is positively related to a range of physical health outcomes, including lower rates of diabetes and increased lifespans. Whereas improved physical health can be attributed to physical education, health education, and the promotion of healthy behaviors, school attendance in itself can promote health. For example, because many students get most of their meals and physical activity at school, school attendance has been associated with decreased food insecurity and obesity.10

Educational Vulnerabilities and Armed Conflicts: Implications for Ukraine

Intellectual Domain: School Enrollment and Attendance Declines

The development of basic skills and armed conflicts have a cyclical relationship, such that a lack of basic skills has been associated with increased armed conflicts, and armed conflicts have been associated with a decrease in basic skills. Developing countries can be particularly vulnerable to these effects.11

In 2023, Human Rights Watch reported that 3,428 Ukrainian educational facilities had been damaged and that 365 facilities had been destroyed by the Russian army. This destruction has led to the mass closure of schools, reducing school enrollment and attendance rates. In 2023, UNICEF estimated 3.6 million Ukrainian children were directly affected by school closures and only 25 percent of schools were able to offer full-time, in-person learning. Declining enrollment and attendance rates have had a detrimental effect on student learning; 72 percent of Ukrainian parents surveyed said their children needed additional educational services and resources to account for learning losses resulting from the Russian invasion.12

Economic Domain: Brain Drain

Similarly, human-capital development and armed conflicts have a cyclical relationship. For example, research has consistently demonstrated armed conflicts increase brain drain, or the migration of skilled laborers out of a specific region or country, by reducing the economic returns in labor and education. Those with high levels of education receive greater incentives to leave countries experiencing armed conflicts. Countries with initially low levels of skilled labor are particularly vulnerable, as the out-migration of skilled laborers can leave these countries without enough skilled workers to fulfill necessary societal functions (for example, teaching students in schools), maintain societal institutions (for example, the government and the military), and maintain or grow the economy (for example, by starting new businesses). Prior to an armed conflict, brain drain can leave countries with weakened economies, ineffective or corrupt social institutions, and high rates of political instability, which can ultimately increase the risk of armed conflict. During an armed conflict, brain drain can hamper a country’s ability to produce necessary machinery, as well as to train and lead soldiers. After an armed conflict, brain drain can hamper a country’s ability to rebuild its economy and institutions, while also hindering the provision of basic services.13

In 2024, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees estimated 6.5 million people have left Ukraine, and 3.7 million people have become internally displaced persons, which are staggering numbers in a country of roughly 36 million people. In 2022, the International Monetary Fund estimated Ukraine’s unemployment rate increased from 9.8 percent to 24.5 percent as a result of the war. Representing the economic effects of displacement and brain drain, Ukraine’s gross domestic product dropped by 30 percent in 2022, and some projections suggest Ukraine will not reach its prewar gross domestic product levels until 2030. Another important factor is displacement and brain drain during an armed conflict, which can put additional strain on both the individuals leaving their countries and the new countries hosting those individuals. For example, survey data from the International Organization for Migration found the proportion of refugee women looking for work in Poland—one of the largest hosts of Ukrainian refugees—was greater than the proportion of those who were working (30 percent versus 21 percent).14

Political Domain: Political Extremism

Political extremism and armed conflicts also have a cyclical relationship. Whereas extreme ideologies can be seen as precursors to armed conflicts, armed conflicts can also perpetuate extreme ideologies. In both cases, schools can be instrumental. For example, extremism can be directly taught in schools through curriculums. As youths are particularly prone to extremism in the absence of high-quality, accessible, and inclusive schools, armed conflicts can perpetuate extremism by temporarily closing schools. Unequal access to schools, which can intensify during and after armed conflicts, can also perpetuate extremism, as unequal access can breed resentment and grievances that can push students toward extreme ideologies and groups. Weak links between educational attainment and the labor market can also increase extremism—particularly for the underemployed.15

Educational vulnerabilities and resiliencies in Ukraine
Figure 2. Educational vulnerabilities and resiliencies in Ukraine
(Source: Created by author)

In Ukraine, the Russian military has reportedly imposed its curriculum, language, and anti-Ukrainian propaganda in occupied territories. In doing so, Russian teachers and curriculums deny Ukraine’s legitimacy as an independent state and aim to replace Ukrainian national identity with a Russian imperial identity. In occupying Ukrainian schools, Russia has attempted to militarize students with a heroic, pro-Russian reframing of the current war and has even started collecting the names and ages of students over 18 to serve as potential draftees in the Russian army. At the same time, resistance to Russia has been punished, as Ukrainian parents have been threatened with fines and loss of child custody for not enrolling their children in Russian schools. The Russian military has specifically targeted and coerced teachers and school leaders with reported instances of threats, intimidation, blackmail, physical violence, and abduction.16

Moral Domain: Bullying

At a national level, armed conflicts can stem from immoral and unethical behaviors that involve a clear disregard for human rights. At an individual level, armed conflicts can create circumstances that allow immoral and unethical behaviors to develop among youths. Research has demonstrated an association between armed conflicts and increased rates of conduct disorder among children, youths, and adolescents.17

One potential explanation for increased rates of conduct disorder is a lack of parental involvement during armed conflicts. Indeed, areas near the Russia-Ukraine War show higher rates of fighting (17.13 percent), harassing (17.31 percent), threatening (21.65 percent), teasing (23.68 percent), rule breaking (28.13 percent), and cheating (43.16 percent) among children. These problematic behaviors are often related to a lack of parental involvement.18

Social and Emotional Domain: Declining Communication Skills

Given the socializing nature of education, students’ communication skills can decline when schools close, as they often do in armed conflicts. Stress resulting from armed conflicts can further erode communication skills. Beyond providing communication skills, schools can promote the social development of children who have experienced armed conflict by providing “a peer group where children can talk through problems, access to adults outside of the family environment to help with the processing of emotions, and a place from where referrals to mental health professionals can be given.”19

Recent survey data from Ukraine found 61 percent of parent respondents believed their children had symptoms of stress, including problems communicating with peers and teachers. Moreover, 24 percent of parent respondents believed a lack of communication was one of the main challenges for their children.20

Psychological Domain: Psychological Distress

Armed conflicts can have significant effects on children’s health. Summarized by Kadir et al., these effects can occur (1) directly—through injury (for example, via bullets or chemical exposure), traumatization (for example, in the form of torture or PTSD), and exploitation (for example, economic, sexual, or military exploitation), and (2) indirectly—through unsafe home and school conditions, displacement (for example, when a child becomes homeless or becomes an orphan), the destruction of public institutions (for example, hospitals and schools), decline in caregiver mental health (for example, parents and teachers), increased communicable and noncommunicable diseases, and social marginalization and maltreatment. Together, the effects of armed conflict can result in psychosocial distress among children, which can manifest in a variety of mental health problems—especially when schools close.21

Recent data suggest Ukrainian children experience high levels of psychological distress. For example, 42 percent of parents surveyed observed anxiety in their children. Further interviews revealed anxiety often resulted in additional symptoms of stress, including problems with sleep, concentration, and communication.22

Physical Domain: Food Insecurity

In addition to psychological distress, armed conflicts can cause physical distress. One area of physical distress involves food insecurity. As noted by Michael Wessells, “Wars amplify poverty, devastate crops, disrupt transportation, destroy health facilities, and create widespread hunger. As a result, children suffer from malnutrition and diseases.” Recent research has demonstrated children in armed conflicts tend to have lower heights and weights than other children.23

After the first year of the war, one-third of Ukrainians faced food insecurity. This problem continued to persist, as one-fifth of Ukrainians were estimated to be food insecure after the second year of the war.24

Combating Vulnerabilities: Educational Resiliencies in Ukraine

Comprehensive and effective educational systems that can fulfill their core functions across all seven domains can reduce internal and external conflicts and act as a source of deterrence against potential adversaries. These systems can also make societies resilient during and after armed conflicts by reducing negative effects on children, which can eventually enhance a society’s ability to function after the conflict. Although the invasion of Ukraine exposed some vulnerabilities in Ukraine’s educational system, the invasion also prompted Ukraine to develop resiliencies in its educational system.25

Academic Domain: Universal Preschool

Research has consistently demonstrated that preschool education is associated with long-term increases in early academic success, particularly for low-income students, as well as later academic success, including postsecondary enrollment. Although universal programs can be costly for countries, research finds positive returns on investment.26

Ukraine recently passed a law that guarantees free access to preschool education, while establishing programs that value flexibility and accessibility (for example, programs for students with special needs). Moving away from a childcare environment and toward a learning environment, the law established a center for pedagogical partnerships, which focuses on developmental activities for young children and their parents, as well as a child development center, which teaches preschoolers specific academic competencies.27

Economic Domain: Vocational Education and Training

At a societal level, vocational education and training (VET) can boost productivity, which can lead to economic growth; at an individual level, vocational skills can lead to employability. The effects of VET are generally positive, whether it happens in a school-based setting alone or in a combination of school-based and employer-based settings.28

Education of Winners is the strategic action plan of the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine. Developed in 2024, the plan contains elements related to the UN Sustainable Development Goals. One of the plan’s key priorities involves aligning VET competencies with contemporary labor markets. Doing so will require ensuring program quality, developing new public-private partnerships, and decentralizing the management of VET.29

Political Domain: Democratic Education

Historically, post-conflict operations have involved rebuilding institutions to improve educational access. But recently, post-conflict operations—particularly those focused on improving educational quality—have involved remaking institutions, such that the institutions resemble the values of liberal democracies. This process of remaking institutions has especially occurred in education, as democratic governance—combined with a focus on free markets and human rights—has been embedded in various post-conflict curriculums.

Schools for Democracy is a program that attempts to facilitate democratic reforms in the Ukrainian educational system by promoting democratic values and citizenship education in schools. Through teacher training, curriculums, and the creation of learning communities for educators, the program “supports further development and piloting of new educational policies aimed at promoting the culture of democracy in pre-school and k-12 education.” Although the Russia-Ukraine War has challenged Ukraine’s educational system, including the system’s reforms, the Schools for Democracy program has implemented various strategies to allow for more flexible implementation (for example, online training and curriculums).30

Moral Domain: Human Rights and Peace Education

Human rights education focuses on the universal rights of individuals, whereas peace education “teaches people to work out differences in respectful, empathic, tolerant and therefore non-violent ways.” Together, human rights education and peace education can reduce the number of future armed conflicts, while developing competencies that will enable people to produce nonviolent resolutions to social problems.31

Stemming from the Schools for Democracy program, the Youth for Democracy in Ukraine program focuses on providing youths with opportunities to learn about and exercise their human rights and freedoms while participating in democratic processes. Compass training courses, which have previously been used to help students develop conflict transformation skills, have recently been implemented as part of the broader Youth for Democracy in Ukraine program.32

Social and Emotional Domains: Social and Emotional Learning

Social-emotional learning, which can occur through curricular and extracurricular programs, provides children with the knowledge, skills, and attitudes to enhance social relationships, including communication skills and emotional competencies.33

In alignment with the New Ukrainian School reform, the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine recently approved piloting the Social, Emotional, and Ethical Learning program in 26 schools. In addition to providing lessons that help students develop social and emotional skills, the Social, Emotional, and Ethical Learning program involves a teacher-training program that can be used to scale up the program.34

Psychological Domain: Mental Health and Psychosocial Support

School-based mental health services have been shown to decrease mental health problems among children and adolescents, particularly those with high needs. But school-based mental health interventions often involve additional personnel trained in evidence-based practices, such as school counselors.35

Ukraine’s National Program of Mental Health and Psychosocial Support aims to increase access to mental health support by providing affordable services to those in need and aims to increase the quality of mental health support by incorporating evidence-based practices. In light of the Russia-Ukraine War, the Center for Strategic and International Studies suggests the National Program of Mental Health and Psychosocial Support increase its focus on particularly vulnerable populations, including children and adolescents. The authors of the Center for Strategic and International Studies report view trained school counselors as a “first line of defense in protecting youth mental health.”36

Physical Domain: School Meal Programs

School meal programs can enhance students’ diet quality, improve food security, and promote school attendance and performance. Therefore, these programs are seen as having high rates of social and economic returns, especially during armed conflicts.37

In October 2023, the Ukrainian government approved the national School Nutrition Reform Strategy, which includes the goal of providing high-quality, nutritious meals to all students through a universal free-school-meals program. One of the core tenets of this program is teaching children about nutrition in schools and helping them form lifelong dietary habits. The reform strategy’s current goals include ensuring sufficient funding, modernizing the food system, supporting food-service workers, and promoting healthy food choices among children.38

Table 1. The role of education in armed conflicts

Domain Mechanism UN Human Rights Examples in Ukraine
      Vulnerability Resiliency
Intellectual Teaching basic skills “Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory” (Article 26). Declining school enrollment and attendance Universal preschool
Economic Developing human capital “Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit” (Article 26). Brain drain VET
Political Instilling ideals “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers” (Article 19). Political extremism Democratic education
Moral Developing moral actors “Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality” (Article 26). Bullying Human rights and peace education
Social and emotional Developing social and emotional skills “Education shall be directed to . . . the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace” (Article 26). Declining communication skills Social and emotional learning
Psychological Promoting mental and behavioral health “Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including . . . necessary social services” (Article 25). Psychological distress Mental health and psychosocial support
Physical Promoting physical health “Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services” (Article 25). Food insecurity School meal programs

Implications for Military Civil Affairs

One of the core functions of NATO’s civil-preparedness doctrine is the continuity of essential services. Although the continuity of essential services is often necessary to prevent further vulnerabilities during a conflict, continuity alone is not sufficient to build resiliencies that may reduce the number of future conflicts. Rather, continuity must be accompanied by the improvement of essential services.

The Russian invasion has put immense strain on Ukraine’s educational system, making the provision of essential services during the conflict difficult. The invasion has also prompted improvements that can help build resiliencies in Ukraine’s educational system after the conflict. If Ukraine is able to build back better, the country may be able to discourage future invasions from occurring or may be better equipped to handle any invasions that do occur.

Continuing and expanding on improvements to the educational system will be an essential aspect of Ukraine’s resiliency after the conflict. Martin Kahanec et al. argue that for Ukraine to continue making educational improvements after the conflict, the country should focus on (1) providing proper governance (for example, providing standards but giving local communities the autonomy to meet these standards); (2) ensuring quality (for example, collecting data, monitoring progress, and testing and scaling up best practices); and (3) reducing inequality (for example, widening access to educational opportunities). Although these strategies are reasonable and well supported, they should extend across all seven domains. If education is narrowly viewed as a mechanism for building human capital, these strategies will be minimally effective at increasing resiliencies. Rather, a broad view of education has the potential to increase educational, social, and political resiliencies. Importantly, whereas an end to the conflict may free up the resources and capabilities to implement Kahanec et al.’s strategies, reconstruction— especially in education—will undoubtedly involve reunification, as many children and adolescents have become refugees in nearby countries. This reality further illustrates the need to implement Kahanec et al.’s strategies across all seven domains.39

In the immediate aftermath of the war’s conclusion, Ukraine may be open to support and cooperation from its allies as Ukraine seeks to provide proper governance, ensure quality, and reduce inequality in its educational system. Although Ukraine is not an official NATO member, Ukraine is in NATO’s Partnership for Peace program, which focuses on practical bilateral cooperation. Thus, NATO support and cooperation to increase resiliencies in Ukraine’s educational system may be deemed mutually beneficial. Indeed, support and cooperation in building resiliencies—particularly from NATO civil-affairs branches—have been underscored as a collective NATO commitment.40

The role of the US Army civil affairs branch is to “engage and leverage the civil component of the operational environment (OE) while enhancing, enabling, or providing governance.” As seen in table 2, the core competencies of civil affairs involve transitional governance, civil knowledge integration, civil network development and engagement, and civil-military integration. Government functions fall into five categories—civil security, civil control, essential services, governance support, and economic stabilization and infrastructure. Education falls under essential services, though it can be seen as contributing to the other functions as well. For example, education has been shown to reduce crime (civil security), help individuals develop respect for the rule of law (civil control), improve cultural relations (government support), and lead to economic growth (economic stabilization and infrastructure). Functional specialists are subject matter experts who leverage their civilian expertise to “advise, enable, and assist commanders and their direct civilian counterparts with stabilizing and providing governance expertise for the OE until appropriate civilian control is possible.”41

Functional specialists in public education analyze how formal educational institutions impact stability, and provide guidance to commanders and their civilian counterparts, ultimately improving institutional capacity and functioning while also assuming administrative and supervisory roles when required.42

In Ukraine, civil-affairs leaders could focus on a particular vulnerability like human-capital development, as outlined in the example in table 2, or support a more general evaluation of Ukraine’s efforts to provide proper governance, ensure quality, and reduce inequality across a range of educational domains. Additionally, although this type of involvement fits within a post-conflict framework, support and cooperation could occur during conflicts as well. For instance, civil-affairs leaders could pinpoint schools that are being used to recruit child soldiers, so that Ukrainian forces could put proper protections in place. Finally, the involvement of civil-affairs leaders in support and cooperation could occur in preconflict settings as well. In a preconflict setting, efforts could be made to reduce vulnerabilities and strengthen resiliencies in the countries surrounding Ukraine.43

Table 2. The role of military civil affairs in education

Competency Definition General Applications Potential Applications
Transitional governance “Actions taken to assure appropriate control and continuity of government functions throughout the range of military operations” (Field Manual [FM] 3-57) Advise commanders, civil administration, and institutional authorities on educational policies, programs, and practices Advise VET stakeholders on the alignment of education and training with current and future labor-market demands
Civil knowledge integration “Actions taken to analyze, evaluate, and organize collected civil information for operational relevance and informing the warfighting function” (FM 3-57) Leverage existing data and field new data—both quantitative and qualitative—to pinpoint vulnerabilities and resiliencies in the educational system Leverage job-posting data to understand the skills employers need and how these skills may differ from those currently being offered by VET opportunities
Civil network development and engagement “Activity by which the civil network capabilities and resources are engaged, evaluated, developed, and integrated into operations” (FM 3-57) Develop working groups with educational stakeholders to understand the quality and accessibility of educational opportunities Convene a series of meetings with employers and VET organizations to understand misalignment and how to achieve better alignment through public-private partnerships
Civil-military integration “Actions taken to establish, maintain, influence, or leverage relations between military forces and indigenous populations and institutions to synchronize, coordinate, and enable interorganizational cooperation and to achieve unified action” (FM 3-57) Coordinate with governmental and nongovernmental organizations to reduce vulnerabilities and increase resiliencies in the educational system Coordinate a working group that can help with the initial implementation of VET alignment policies, programs, and practices

Potential Efficacy

Robust evidence indicates strengthening educational systems can work—even during conflicts. For example, in a large randomized controlled trial that involved implementing village-based schools in Afghanistan, Dana Burde and Leigh Linden found girls’ enrollment increased by 52 percentage points, which was a large enough increase to eliminate the gender gap in enrollment. Additionally, girls’ average test scores increased by 0.65 standard deviations, which dramatically reduced gender inequalities. A review of 121 studies also found structured educational activities significantly improved children’s emotional and behavioral well-being during and after conflicts, as well as in other emergency situations.44

Less evidence exists on the effectiveness of civil-military engagements in education. For example, whereas some broad nation-building efforts to improve the educational system in Afghanistan have occurred— with the Afghanistan War being one of the longest and most recent conflicts—these efforts are not synonymous with civil-affairs engagements. Nevertheless, nation-building engagements in Afghanistan can provide important insights into the potential efficacy of civil-affairs engagements. Evidence indicates substantial educational improvements occurred in Afghanistan from 2002 to 2021. The building and repairing of 580 schools, the training of 480,000 teachers, and the printing and distribution of 170 million textbooks since 2008 led to an estimated 3.5 million additional Afghan girls gaining access to education and 1.2 million children improving their reading skills. Another example is the establishment of the Education Quality Improvement Program, which improved access to quality basic education by providing additional resources (for example, libraries and laboratories) in more than 11,000 communities in Afghanistan. Moreover, the Education Quality Improvement Program helped establish school management councils—composed of parents and community representatives—to improve advocacy for educational access.45

Although the results seen in Afghanistan suggest large-scale efforts to improve educational systems during conflicts are feasible, feasibility is highly dependent on context and may have limited the efficacy of improvement efforts in Afghanistan. For example, Jennifer Murtazashvili notes the centralization of power in Kabul impeded local control in Afghanistan, which can be especially important in large-scale educational efforts. Centralization can also give way to corruption, which was a noted limitation in Afghanistan.46

Longevity is also a concern in broad nation-building efforts, as the Afghan government, which was built and maintained for over two decades, fell to the Taliban within two weeks after the withdrawal of US military troops. Because some individuals blame ongoing security threats and deeper cultural mismatches for these failed efforts, context becomes a key element in predicting the short- and long-term effects of broad nation-building efforts. Context can be especially important for efforts that involve foreign aid. For example, Murtazashvili notes the “rentier effect”—in which foreign aid prevents civilians from holding leaders accountable—may have limited the long-term effects of nation-building efforts in Afghanistan, such as efforts involving education.47

Costs and Potential Benefits

Like efficacy, the cost-effectiveness of large-scale educational interventions is supported by robust evidence. Research by the Abdul Latif Jameel Poverty Action Lab demonstrates many large-scale educational interventions have large benefits relative to their costs. Conducting cost-benefit analyses of civil-affairs engagements, however, is more difficult because the benefits are rarely considered and measured. Moreover, when the benefits are measured, their direct relationships with costs are often difficult to ascertain due to potentially conflating circumstances (for example, multiple, overlapping interventions or broader cultural changes). While cost-benefit calculations are important for all engagements and should represent an area of priority for civil affairs, the timing of these analyses is also important. To look at Afghanistan four years after the withdrawal of US troops and judge the efficacy of civil-affairs engagements, as well as broader nation-building efforts, may be unrealistic. For example, although the Taliban initially resumed many of the bans on education for girls, students’ expectations may have altered in ways that pressured the governing forces to change. Indeed, the Taliban opened secondary schools for girls, though the opening was short-lived.48

The costs and benefits of civil-affairs engagements should also be measured against other courses of action. Although doing nothing is certainly plausible, doing nothing does not necessarily mean nothing gets done: other state and non-state actors could fill the void. For example, China’s Belt and Road Initiative shows China’s desire to influence other nations, and indeed, the initiative expanded to Afghanistan upon the withdrawal of US military troops. In Ukraine, Russia could fill an important role in shaping Ukraine’s educational future in the absence of NATO support. Alternatively, NATO counterparts could fill this role. Each course could have important implications for the future of Ukraine, NATO, and the United States. Civil-affairs leaders could project the outcomes of various courses of action, particularly as conflicts end.

Trade-offs should be considered in terms of whether to engage in educational systems and in terms of weighing these engagements against potential engagements in other systems. In an argument stemming from Abraham Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, ensuring food, water, shelter, and safety should take priority in most engagements, which means educational engagements could be considered secondary in some cases. Still, the fact schools can help meet many basic needs is worth noting. Finally, an important point to reiterate is the fact educational engagements during conflicts represent only one time period in which civil-affairs engagements may occur. Indeed, engagements can also help build resiliencies and shore up vulnerabilities both before and after armed conflicts as well.49

Caveats and Cautions

Although civil affairs could support the educational systems in various countries before, during, and after conflicts, the degree to which civil affairs should provide support is open for debate; each country should decide when, where, how, and the degree to which civil-affairs engagements occur. Providing support also requires a deep understanding of the local context and politics, and the consideration of potential unintended consequences.

For example, one must recognize the current position of Ukraine, the surrounding politics, and the potential for backlash. Ukraine is reliant on support from NATO and the United States in its war against Russia, and how much additional support NATO and the United States are able or willing to provide going forward remains an open question. Although NATO membership for Ukraine appears to be the redline for Russia, whether civil-affairs support from NATO countries would trigger further aggression from Russia, particularly in a post-conflict scenario, is unclear. Beyond a potential backlash from Russia, Ukrainian citizens may not welcome civil-affairs engagements from NATO countries or may have stipulations for the types of engagements that occur. In the case of Ukraine, self-determination is an important factor to consider. Moreover, given geographical and cultural proximities, civil-affairs support may be best derived from neighboring NATO countries. Politics is also worth considering in these situations, as civil affairs could be viewed as a zero-sum game for the countries providing support and cooperation. For example, local populaces in the countries providing support and cooperation could see civil-affairs engagements in other countries—particularly efforts that represent tangible support—as taking away from local support. This view may be especially prevalent in education, as the majority of civilians frequently encounter this system.

Although Ukraine represents a relevant example of how educational systems are affected by armed conflicts, its situation is unique in that the war has already begun. Strong educational systems should be prioritized before wars begin. Likewise, civil-affairs leaders can conduct analyses that pinpoint key vulnerabilities in the countries surrounding Ukraine, such as Poland, and develop educational strategies to turn these vulnerabilities into resiliencies. Additionally, to prepare for civil-affairs engagements during a conflict, civil-affairs leaders can consider strategies for integrating educational knowledge, among other specialties, into training exercises in the countries surrounding Ukraine. Finally, with discussions of the Russia-Ukraine War ending soon, civil-affairs leaders should consider developing postconflict engagement plans, so if called upon, civil-affairs leaders are ready to support commanders, as well as their NATO and Ukrainian counterparts.

If the educational system in Ukraine does not build back better, education will likely remain a key vulnerability in Ukraine’s national security and defense. Given the strong relationship between education and the workforce—coupled with rapid changes in labor markets (for example, changes spurred by artificial intelligence)—Ukraine’s vulnerability will likely grow over time. Ultimately, leaders decide when, where, how, and to what extent civil-affairs engagements should occur. Civil-affairs leaders should leverage their civilian and military expertise to provide options to their leaders, if and when they are called upon to do so.

 
 

Jason Jabbari
Captain Jason Jabbari, PhD, is an assistant professor at Washington University in St. Louis and serves as a public education officer (38G) at the 353rd Civil Affairs Command, US Army Reserve. He holds a PhD in education from Washington University in St. Louis and an MEd in school leadership from Harvard University. Jabbari is the founding director of the Center for Education Research, Practice, and Policy Partnerships at Washington University in St. Louis, as well as the director of community engagement at the Center for Social Development.

 
 

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Endnotes

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